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#175307 - 08/23/07 01:47 PM Sexaul Assault in the Military?
scotia1 Offline
Guest

Registered: 05/27/07
Posts: 81
First, I want to make things very clear that I don’t want to offend anyone (particularly my fellow survivors from military backgrounds) with this subject, but I just think it is time to say exactly what I’ve been wondering for some time now. I have noticed a lot of posts here from post-military backgrounds, and much of their abuse happened while in the military. It just so happens that my prep was also in the military for years and I remember him talking about when he was in the military and how some of the guys would “play with each others balls and stuff”. I have also come across many other ex-military people over the years that also claim to being sexually assaulted by older men when they first entered the military as a young man.

I just wanted to know if anyone else has wondered the same thing. Does the military (from whatever country) have a very high rate of sexual assault and why?


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#175369 - 08/23/07 08:19 PM Re: Sexaul Assault in the Military? [Re: scotia1]
roadrunner Offline
Administrator Emeritus
MaleSurvivor

Registered: 05/02/05
Posts: 22045
Loc: Carlisle, PA
Scotia,

I agree with your feeling that it's about time something be said about this problem, and of course it's important that survivors of this abuse speak out about what happened to them.

There's a new book out on this subject, Honor Betrayed: Sexual Abuse in America's Military, by Mic Hunter, a highly respected therapist and author of one of the best handbooks for male survivors.

If you are interested in his book you can get it in our bookshop (see our home page) under the heading "Military".

Much love,
Larry

_________________________
Nobody living can ever stop me
As I go walking my freedom highway.
Nobody living can make me turn back:
This land was made for you and me.
(Woody Guthrie)

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#175395 - 08/23/07 09:10 PM Re: Sexaul Assault in the Military? [Re: roadrunner]
TJ jeff Offline

Moderator
MaleSurvivor

Registered: 08/07/04
Posts: 3354
Loc: Northern Wisconsin
Scotia,

I guess I never really thought of things from the military as being abuse - just embarrasing

there was a lot of hazing - and yes some of it was of being stipped naked and having embarrasing stuff done

just before I got out of the military though - they was really starting to crack down on trying to stop some of that stuff

_________________________
Who will cry for the little boy? - I will... - Antwone Fisher

Abuse happens in silence/isolation - Recovery happens only when that silence/isolation is broken...

TJ's History

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#175423 - 08/23/07 10:01 PM Re: Sexaul Assault in the Military? [Re: TJ jeff]
Armyguy2007 Offline
New Here

Registered: 08/19/07
Posts: 23
Loc: Upstate NY and Fl
Hope this helps! Alot of info I know.

Military Sexual Trauma: Violence and Sexual Abuse

Valente, Sharon
Military sexual trauma includes sexual assault and sexual harassment in military settings by intimate partners and active duty personnel. Such violence triggers a syndrome of episodic, clustered, psychological and physiological symptoms that may be fatal. Despite its pervasiveness, many clinicians fail to recognize as many as 95% of cases among veterans and active duty personnel. Many victims receive inadequate medical treatment or education. They face a decreased quality of life, high morbidity and mortality rates, and economic losses. Their children may also be at risk for abuse. In many settings, clinicians may not realize the high prevalence of this military sexual abuse among veterans and active duty personnel. Clinicians should understand the clinical manifestations, to detect abuse early, to treat it appropriately, and to minimize sequelae.

Introduction

Military sexual trauma falls Into the category of domestic violence, which includes sexual abuse and constitutes a social and public health emergency. Military sexual trauma represents a violent crime that causes 2.2 million known injuries and a huge cost in hospital days and other expenses and occurs among 16 to 23% of military personnel.1 Military sexual trauma may include domestic violence, where one intimate partner or spouse exerts power over another as a means of control. It may involve physical violence, coercion, threats, intimidation, isolation, and emotional, sexual, or economic abuse. Perpetrators also manipulate, threaten, or harm both the victims and their children. Related forms are abuse of children and elderly family members. This article focuses on sexual abuse of military personnel or veterans. Gender, age, and sexual orientation do not prevent such violence.2

Historically, World War II veterans were not asked about and did not report sexual abuse and domestic violence. Interest in this issue grew during the Vietnam era. The statistics since 1990 reflect increasing numbers of people who report sexual abuse and domestic violence inflicted by active duty military personnel. Veterans and military personnel rarely report these problems. Instead, they tend to seek treatment for an array of physical problems related to the violence. According to the Department of Defense, 8% of female Persian Gulf War veterans reported being sexually abused during Operation Desert Shield/ Operation Desert Storm. People rarely spontaneously report sexual abuse but tend to seek treatment for an array of physical problems related to the violence. Health care providers need to increase their suspicion and evaluation of sexual abuse.3,4

The following two vignettes illustrate opportunities to detect and to evaluate the risk of violence in various ambulatory care clinics. See if you recognize the indicators of risk and know how to intervene.

Case Examples

Mr. J was a tall, well-built, 45-year-old, single veteran who complained of headaches, visual disturbances, insomnia, panic attacks, and gastrointestinal problems. He had been seen in a Veterans Administration internal medicine clinic for several years, but the clinician had not suspected that military sexual trauma might relate to his physical complaints. However, Mr. J had been sexually assaulted in the military. He was blindfolded, tied up, held at gunpoint, repeatedly sodomized, and forced to have oral sex. After being beaten, he fainted. Which of his symptoms should suggest military sexual trauma?

Ms. V, a 50 year-old professional and veteran, was being treated in the primary care clinic for narcolepsy, hypertension, worsening headaches, stomach pain, insomnia, and asthma. The clinician did not suspect that these symptoms might relate to violence.

Ms. V sought treatment for her grief, bereavement, and suicide attempt after her lover died a painful death. The basic issue was grief work and monitoring suicide risk. Because of the suicide risk, the handgun that Ms. V kept for protection had to be safely locked and stored or removed. Neither the clinician nor the grief counselor suspected that Ms. V had suffered sexual trauma before military discharge. Her grief, depression, and suicide risk abated, and she began a new relationship. She stopped therapy but continued in the primary care clinic. Approximately 1 year later, she returned for a brief consultation because she thought she felt sad and might again be depressed. However, she had none of the characteristic signs of depression. She recounted being threatened with a gun.

She reported that, at midnight, her new lover held a gun to her head and threatened, "Are you cheating on me? If you are, I'll kill you." Ms. V recounted the events without fear or emotion and detailed her lover's controlling and jealous behavior. Ms. V had approximately a dozen guns and regularly practiced at the shooting range. The counselor strongly advised that the guns be removed from the home. The consultation focused on the risk of violence, safety precautions, and the veteran's disconnection from her feelings and fear. She did not want to return to counseling. Some months later, Ms. V called the counselor to report that she had left this controlling partner. She said she was spending time with a new friend. The clinic staff members and counselor did not conduct an assessment of military sexual abuse or potential future violence. Approximately 1 year later, Ms. Vs ex-partner threatened her and shot her with a handgun.

If you were the clinician who saw these veterans, would you have current knowledge about the risk and assessment of military sexual trauma? Would you know the resources for management of related health and psychological problems? What steps would you take to reduce tiie risk of future violence? This article should help increase your knowledge. This article describes the issues related to military sexual trauma and the related assessment, screening, management, and education for veterans and active duty victims.

Military Sexual Trauma

Depending on the population studied and the questions asked, sexual assault in the military is experienced by 4 to 9% of female service members. Rates in the broader category of domestic violence in the military rose from 18.6 cases per 1,000 in 1990 to an estimated 25.6 cases per 1,000 in 1996.4 In the same 6 years, 23.2 of 1,000 spouses of military personnel experienced violent victimization (Table I). Early data suggested that 5% of female respondents and 1% of male respondents were victims of actual or attempted rape.5 In more-recent surveys, 8% of Persian Gulf War veterans reported sexual abuse during Operation Desert Shield/Operation Desert Storm. Another 34% of female respondents reported a rape or attempted rape during active duty. Many had been raped more than once; 14% reported being gang raped during active duty. However, three-fourths of the women who were raped did not report the incident to a ranking officer. One-third did not know how to report the event, and one-fifth believed that the rape was to be "expected" in the military. Female Persian Gulf War Veterans were the first to report that rape was not expected in military life.6

Media coverage of sexual violence has raised awareness of military sexual trauma by highlighting events such as the Tailhook Association Convention in 1991, where high-level Navy officials and junior officers were drunk and sexually harassed female officers. At that convention, Navy aviators surrounded unsuspecting female guests, including 14 female Navy officers, and passed them down a gauntlet, grabbing at their breasts and buttocks, attempting to strip off their clothes, and jeering and taunting.7

Although military domestic violence occurs among both genders, the typical victim is a woman who may be either a veteran or a civilian spouse of an active duty service member and is slightly less than 25 years of age. Approximately 10 of 1,000 men are the victims of military physical or sexual trauma. The victims of spouse abuse have children (78%), and more than one-half have been married ≤2 years.8 Most (85%) abuse is physical. In approximately one-third of the cases, mutual combat is involved. Of the substantiated abuse documented in 2001, 57% was mild abuse, 36% was moderate, and 7% was severe.9 The rate of domestic violence in the military rose from 18.6 cases per 1,000 in 1990 to 25.6 cases per 1,000 in 1996.10 Few cases are prosecuted. Most of the intervention programs have targeted sexual abuse by intimate partners, however, and we know less regarding interventions for nonintimate partners.

Rates of marital aggression in the military are 2 to 5 times higher than civilian rates. Surveys show that rates of physical and sexual abuse of military personnel have risen from 18.6 cases per 1,000 in 1990 to 26.5 cases per 1,000 in 1996 and 2001. In addition to physical abuse, approximately 9 to 14% of female military personnel experience sexual abuse, depending on the service branch.

This problem is not confined to women. The Veterans Administration treated >22,486 male and > 19,463 female victims of sexual trauma." Trauma and embarrassment keep individuals from reporting the abuse. Reasons why both men and women avoid reporting sexual abuse include fears no one will believe them, that their careers will be disrupted, that they will be harassed or face retribution from their attackers, or that they will be told to "suck it up." They finally seek help often when they are so desperate that their only other option seems to be suicide.

Related Health and Psychological Problems

Victims whose partners sexually abused them often deny the violence, but they seek health care from urgent care clinics for a host of physical ailments, including gastric distress, headaches, pelvic pain, and other problems fTable II).12 Anxiety disorders, substance abuse, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) often develop. Veterans may use alcohol and drugs to numb the pain. Unfortunately, health care providers typically detect few sexually or physically abused individuals.13

Assessment

To detect this hidden abuse, clinicians need to routinely ask about sexual trauma and to intensify evaluation when a pattern or profile of symptoms suggests trauma. Routine screening might have detected the military sexual trauma of both individuals in the case examples. Women with sexual trauma use primary care for their frequent medical symptoms.13 In general, the clinician explains routine screening and says, "Because sexual trauma is so common, I usually ask about the following items when I see patients." If the person reports sexual trauma, then the clinician wants to demonstrate empathy and say, Tm sorry this happened to you. Please know you are not alone and it is not your fault. Your experience must have been very frightening, and it would not be uncommon to feel angry, embarrassed, and fearful afterward." The clinician should not doubt the client's report that something terrible happened. Clinicians need to avoid suggesting that the victim might be responsible.

Factors that increase risk for violence include witnessing violence during childhood, being female, and being young. Physical problems such as shortness of breath, headaches, abdominal pain, and injuries that do not match the history suggest a risk of violence.14 Because clinicians may lack both time and skills to detect violence, screening tools can help identify those at risk.15 The Woman Abuse Screening Tool has eight items, with a 3-point Likert scale, for a general population In family practice settings.16 The Abuse Risk Inventory is a 25-item self-report measure to detect frequency of abuse. A score of ≥50 suggests an abusive situation and a risk for abuse. The Abuse Risk Inventory has demonstrated reliability (α = 0.91).17 Another screening tool is the Harassment in Abusive Relationship, a self-report scale and a danger assessment (e.g., de>
_________________________
Greg
Armyguy2007

The is no such thing as “AN ARMY OF ONE”

Every generation has its heroes. Mine is no different.

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#175430 - 08/23/07 10:08 PM Re: Sexaul Assault in the Military? [Re: Armyguy2007]
Armyguy2007 Offline
New Here

Registered: 08/19/07
Posts: 23
Loc: Upstate NY and Fl
Part 2 more info
Child Sexual Abuse and Adulthood Sexual Assault among Military Veteran and Civilian Women

Schultz, Jessica R
The purpose of this study was to investigate childhood sexual abuse (CSA), adulthood sexual victimization (ASV), and adulthood sexual assault experiences in a comparison sample of female military veterans (n = 142) and civilian community members (n = 81). Women veterans were significantly more likely than civilian women to report adult sexual assault. Although comparable rates of CSA and ASV were found across groups, veterans more frequently reported having been sexually abused by a parental figure, reported longer durations of CSA, and significantly greater severity of ASV than civilians. Implications for mental health professionals providing sexual trauma services to female military personnel and veterans are discussed.

Introduction

Mental health professionals working with female military personnel and veterans are often faced with complex presentations of psychological problems, some of which involve a history of sexual trauma. Based on current research, high rates of sexual trauma exist among military women. This study further explores whether female veterans report more complex histories of sexual trauma than women from the general community, and how these previous incidents may contribute to unwanted sexual experiences in adulthood.

Prevalence estimates of childhood sexual abuse (CSA) and adult sexual victimization (ASVl among women vary widely across studies. For example, rates of CSA among female military personnel and veterans range from 42% to 49%1-4 while other studies have found somewhat lower rates.5 Rates of CSA among civilian community samples range from 23% to 33%.6"8 Rates are even higher among clinical samples.9 Although this body of research emphasizes the widespread prevalence of CSA, variability in rates may be due to differences in sampling procedures, assessment instruments used to assess CSA, definitions of CSA, and other methodological issues. Such differences make it difficult to make comparisons across studies.

Similarly, rates of adult sexual assault (ASA) among female veterans and active duty personnel vary, potentially due to methodological differences. Merrill et al.10 reported that more than one-third of their sample of female Navy recruits reported one or more incidents of ASA. However, among female veterans, almost 40% to 44% of women reported ASA experiences.1,11,12 Rates of ASA among civilian community samples also vary, typically ranging from 22% to 27%.6,13

Long-Term Correlates of CSA

Despite variance in prevalence rates of CSA and ASA, there are well-documented links between CSA and a broad range of psychological problems, including higher rates of depression, posttraumatic stress, anxiety, and substance abuse.14,15 In addition, CSA is associated with interpersonal difficulties such as relationship distress,16 poor sexual functioning,17 and sexual revictimization.18 Messman-Moore and Long19 emphasize that the strongest predictor of ASV is a previous history of CSA. A meta-analysis of 19 empirical studies found that between 15% and 79% of women with reported histories of CSA were sexually assaulted as adults.20 Among a sample of military women, reports of ASA occurred up to 4.8 times more often in women who reported CSA experiences.10

Some attention has been given to examining differences across various samples regarding characteristics of CSA and the psychological and behavioral outcomes associated with such experiences. For example, studies have investigated the relationship between specific characteristics of CSA (i.e., perpetrator, severity, duration, and frequency of the abuse) and development of long-term difficulties among women who report a history of CSA.21 More severe experiences of CSA that occur within the immediate family and those characterized by use of force are typically associated with poorer long-term outcomes in adulthood.82'-23 Other studies2425 found similar results with female veterans; however, the relationship between abuse characteristics and negative outcomes was partially mediated by coping techniques, as well as emotional support from others. Although most research on CSA characteristics has focused on the relationship between these variables and long-term psychological functioning, there has been little research on how these variables might be related to sexual revictimization. It is possible that some variables contribute to difficulties or even disrupt areas of development that can affect risk for ASV.

Given that a significant proportion of traumatic experiences among active duty soldiers occurred before entering the military (i.e., childhood physical and sexual abuse26), factors related to these childhood experiences (e.g., family environment, support, perpetrator, type of abuse, etc.) may aid in identifying individuals who are at higher risk for subsequent ASV or ASA. Although some hypothesize that socioeconomic status and family environment characteristics may account for higher rates of CSA found among military personnel, there has been little empirical support to corroborate this hypothesis.

The primary objective of this study was to investigate rates and characteristics of CSA and ASA in a sample of female veterans enrolled in a women's clinic at a Veterans Affairs (VA) Medical Center compared to a sample of female civilians from the general community. In addition, we explored whether specific CSA characteristics (i.e., role of perpetrator, severity, duration, frequency of the abuse) were differentially associated with adult sexual victimization for the two groups. We hypothesized that self-reported CSA experiences characterized by greater severity (e.g., longer duration, greater frequency and being abused by a parental figure) would predict adult sexual victimization.

Methods

This study was approved and overseen by the Minneapolis VA Medical Center Human Studies Subcommittee and the Western Michigan University Institutional Review Board. We mailed a cover letter and packet of questionnaires to 600 veterans randomly selected from a list of all female patients enrolled in the Minneapolis VA Medical Center's Women's Clinic who had at least one outpatient appointment in the previous year. No additional mailings or reminders were conducted. A total of 142 veterans returned completed surveys (effective response rate of 24.0%), which is comparable to other published survey research in this area.27 The mean age of the veteran sample was 45.3 years (SD = 16.3; range = 20-88 years) and was predominately (92.2%) Caucasian or non-Hispanic. The veteran sample had served an average of 6.2 years (SD = 6.3) on active duty In various branches of the military; the majority served in the Army (39%), 28% served in the Navy, and 28% in the Air Force. Ninety-one percent also reported that they were enlisted personnel at discharge and 9% were officers.

A convenience sample of 81 civilian women was recruited from various health and social organizations in Michigan. Eighty-one community volunteers chose to participate and returned completed packets of measures. Mean age of the community sample was 35.0 years (SD = 11.6; range = 18-66) and also was predominantly (87%) Caucasian or non-Hispanic.

Procedures

Each participant received an Informed consent information letter and assessment measures to assess constructs of sexual victimization and other variables of interest. Each packet also included a lottery ticket for a chance to win one of several cash prizes and two stamped, self-addressed envelopes for returning the assessment packet and lottery ticket separately. Entering the drawing was not contingent on participation.

Measures

As part of a larger scale development study, we examined women's responses on a subset of measures. Several questions were used to gather standard demographic information such as age, ethnicity, relationship status, occupation, and military-related information (i.e., branch of military and rank at discharge). Behaviorally specific items from the Wyatt Sexual History Questionnaire and the Sexual Experiences Survey (SES) were used to assess participants' victimization experiences.

Nine items from the Wyatt Sexual History Questionnaire28 were used to obtain retrospective data regarding women's CSA experiences (i.e., before the age of 14). Characteristics of CSA, such as age of onset, duration, frequency, relationship to perpetrator, and use of physical force during the abusive event were assessed. Based on these Items, CSA was defined as "sexual contact including touching or being touched by another person In a sexual way without Involving sexual Intercourse (i.e., kissing breast or genital fondling) and attempted or completed sexual intercourse of any type (oral, anal, or vaginal) before age 14".29 Two additional criteria were used: (1) The perpetrator was a family member or (2) the perpetrator was more than 5 years older than the participant at the time of the abuse.

Twelve items from the SES assessed various degrees of sexual victimization in adolescence and adulthood, (i.e., after the age of 14 scut) Behaviorally specific questions helped define ASV as unwanted sexual body contact (including genital fondling and attempted or completed vaginal, oral, or anal intercourse) by use of coercion or pressure. Sexual assault was more specifically defined as completed vaginal, anal, or oral penetration by use of force or threat of force, to include penetration by a penis, mouth/tongue, finger, or other object.

Results

A t test revealed that veteran participants were significantly older than community participants (i(210.3) = -5.507, p = 0.000.]. The groups also differed significantly from one another on annual income [χ^sup 2^(4, N = 216) = 9.836, p = 0.043]. The veteran sample had more persons (50%) in the annual income range of $15,000 to $35,000 compared to the community sample (29%), whereas the community sample had more participants (33%) in the poverty ($15,000 or less) and >$50,000 income brackets (24%) compared to the veteran sample (24% and 14%, respectively).

The groups differed from one another for reported occupation [χ^sup 2^(6, N = 222) = 26.235, p = 0.00O]. The community sample had more persons in professional or technical careers (49%) compared to the veteran sample (33%), and veterans had notably more retired persons (14%) and disabled or unemployed persons (18%) compared to community participants (3% and 3%, respectively). However, the majority of women endorsed a professional or technical occupation (33% of the veteran group and 49% of the community group). The groups also differed from one another on relationship status [χ^sup 2^(3, N = 223) = 19.195, p = 0.00O]. Although the majority of women were either married or living with a partner, the community sample had more participants in this category (70%) compared to the veteran sample (51%). More veteran participants reported being separated, divorced, or widowed (23%) compared to community participants (1%).

Rates of Sexual Victimization

Table I presents rates of sexual victimization for veteran and civilian women. Chi-square analyses revealed significant differences between samples for rates of ASA. Significantly more veterans reported ASA experiences (49%) than did community participants [22%; χ^sup 2^1, N = 220) = 15.985, p = 0.000). There were no significant differences across veteran and community participants on reported rates of CSA [χ^sup 2^, JV = 223) = 0.600, p = 0.438] or ASV [χ^sup 2^(1, N = 220) = 1.558, p = 0.212].

Chi-square analyses and t tests were conducted to examine differences in victimization characteristics across the groups (Table II). The main finding revealed statistically significant differences between the groups for perpetrator of CSA experience [χ^sup 2^(5, JV = 220) = 75.952, p = 0.000], The veteran sample most frequently reported a parental figure (92%) as the perpetrator of CSA, while community participants most often noted a nonrelative as the perpetrator (68%). Although not statistically significant, the difference between groups on duration of CSA experiences is noteworthy [t(74.03) = -1.657, p = 0.102]; the veteran sample reported 30.8 months (SD = 39.3), while the community sample reported 18.3 months (SD = 28.1; see Table III). There were no significant differences between community and veteran participants regarding age of onset, severity, or frequency of CSA or age of onset or frequency of ASA.

Significant differences between veteran and civilian groups were found for severity of ASV [χ^sup 2^(5, JV = 220) = 23.239, p = 0.000|. Veterans more frequently characterized ASVas involving force or threat of force (38.3%) and community participants most frequently characterized ASV experiences as unwanted sexual contact (21.5%). Finally, the mean age of the most recent ASA experience was significantly older for veteran participants (mean = 27.34; SD = 9.3) than for community participants (mean = 23.6; SD = 8.0; t(121) = -1.980, p = 0.030).

Prediction of ASV

To investigate whether specific characteristics of childhood sexual victimization experiences were associated with severity of ASV, a linear multiple regression analysis was conducted for the combined sample. Predictor variables were selected based on existing literature and preliminary analyses described above (i.e., perpetrator of CSA experience, severity of act, duration of abuse, and frequency of abuse). The regression model was found to be statistically significant for the combined sample, F^sub 4, 180^ = 15.492, p

Discussion

Although comparable prevalence rates of CSA were found across veteran and civilian samples, veterans reported more severe CSA experiences, characterized by more frequently reporting having been sexually abused by a parental figure and reporting longer durations of CSA. Nearly 92% of female veterans who endorsed CSA incidents reported a parental figure as the perpetrator, compared to the community sample (10%). The veteran sample also reported enduring CSA experiences longer than women in the community sample (31 months and 18 months, respectively). These differences suggest that veterans were exposed to abusive and potentially traumatic experiences by a trusted adult over an extended time frame during critical developmental periods. Noting the potential long-term impact of chronic exposure to childhood abuse, some research has suggested that CSA interferes with emotional development and interpersonal relatedness.32,34 Additionally, since CSA is likely to occur In an unsupportive family environment, this may limit opportunities to develop effective emotional and interpersonal skills. The findings of our study provide indirect support for the hypothesis that some females enter the military to escape a negative family environment (e.g., presence of CSA and dysfunctional family of origin).

Although there were no differences in the prevalence of ASV, female veterans were significantly more likely than civilian women to report greater severity of ASV (i.e., penetration with force) and twice as likely to report an occurrence of ASA. This finding supports the notion that female veterans experience more severe ASV experiences, which may lead to more complex long-term difficulties in functioning.

To further investigate these findings, a regression analysis revealed that perpetrator for CSA experiences significantly predicted severity of ASV for the combined veteran and community sample, while severity of CSA also contributed to the overall model. This suggests that a perpetrating parental figure and severity of CSA is a predictor of severe ASV. Other variables (i.e., age of onset and duration of CSA) were not significant predictors of ASA severity, although the overall model was a strong predictor of ASV. Previous literature has documented that CSA experiences may lead to development of negative coping strategies, affect dysregulatlon, poor interpersonal relatedness, substance abuse, and inability to recognize or avoid potentially harmful situations.15,33,35,38 These factors may partially account for the increased severity in ASV that that has been shown in this study.

Our data highlight the fact that sexual violence Is likely to occur throughout the life span for some women and support the importance of appropriate prevention, intervention, and treatment strategies for addressing sexual assault in female military personnel and veterans. First, when treating female veterans or active duty military personnel, CSA history should be assessed, as well as associated negative psychological outcomes that may be targets for treatment (Le.. emotional development aspects that may pose as a risk factor for victimization experiences). Additionally, ASV and ASA experiences should be thoroughly assessed. These domains warrant investigation, since the cumulative Impact of traumatic experiences39 may demand more intensive treatment in addition to more contemporary therapy approaches that focus on emotional development and regulation. Lastly, given the high rates of CSA and the relationship between CSA and ASA associated with a female veteran population, preventive efforts should also be addressed with women in the military. Skills training to address emotion recognition, interpersonal relatedness, awareness of risky situations, and impact of substance use may prove to be useful with all women entering the military.

Although rate of CSA among veterans in the current study (49%) is comparable to prevalence rates documented in previous studies,'24 the rate was higher than other research.5 Additionally, rates of CSA among community participants in this study (43%) were much higher than rates reported among other community samples (i.e., 19% to 32%).7,40,41 The community sample was one of convenience and interest in participating may have been impacted by relevance of the questions for women who identified previous victimization experiences. In a more representative community sample, the magnitude of differences across populations may be larger and similar to previous studies. Differences in sample sizes for comparison groups, demographic information (i.e., age, occupation, annual income, and relationship status), and the high rate of CSA among community participants may have impacted analyses and subsequent conclusions. Related to sample size concerns, this study had a response rate of 24%, which may be reflective of a single mailing with no follow-up reminder cards or subsequent mailers. Another explanation of the low response rate may be that the survey was 25 pages long, which some researchers have found to be a significant deterrent for completing measures.42 Additionally, there is no information available on the nonresponders in this study. There might be a significant response bias in the study, which may lead to an over- or underestimate of the differences reported.

Despite these limitations, the preliminary findings of the present study deserve further investigation. Future studies should attempt to match comparison groups on age and SES to ensure differences can be attributed to variables of interest rather than demographic information. It is also important that researchers assess for reported history of other childhood maltreatment, as well as actual or perceived support during childhood, to increase understanding of the family environment so that interactions with variables of interest can be identified. This information could prove beneficial in understanding pertinent factors, such as perpetrator-victim relationship and family perception about abuse. In future research, different types of emotional skills deficits should also be assessed to draw more informed conclusions about possible long-term consequences (e.g., potentially ASA experiences and overall level of emotional functioning) related to these deficits, which may offer additional understanding to the complex relationships among childhood experiences, emotional development, and ASV.

_________________________
Greg
Armyguy2007

The is no such thing as “AN ARMY OF ONE”

Every generation has its heroes. Mine is no different.

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#175450 - 08/23/07 11:02 PM Re: Sexaul Assault in the Military? [Re: Armyguy2007]
OKIE MIKE Offline
Member

Registered: 02/13/04
Posts: 979
Loc: HULBERT OK
Scotia,
While I was serving in the US. Army at Fort Hood Tx in 1977 I was Raped by a SFC (E-7). He was the Personal Director of the 553rd S&S Battalion .
I was a Private (E-2). He told me that no one would beleve me . I was scared shitless . When I found the gutts to finaly talk to someone . I was told to "Get Over It , and Get On With my Life " This caused me to begin to be a disiplin problem to the army . I recieved several article 15s in a little over a year .
I was eventualy discharged under "Chapter 5" (unfit for military service) With a General Under Honorable Discharge .
The Military will go out of there way to cover up the fact that the Services are full Pedifiles and Rapest .
I have spent the last 30 years fighting with the Army to get the SOB Prosicuted for the crime that he comited .
As a result of being Raped I have ben Diagnoised with PTSD and it has destroied my life with anger and hate .
To aunser your question YES THERE IS A LOT OF SEXUAL ABUSE IN THE MILITARY . PEOPLE THAT COMPLAIN ARE GOTTEN RID OF AND IT IS COVERED UP

_________________________
MICHAEL

"I HAD NO SHOES THEN I SAW A MAN THAT HAD NO FEET"

"All I can do is be me, whoever that is"

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#175466 - 08/23/07 11:40 PM Re: Sexaul Assault in the Military? [Re: scotia1]
Maxx Offline
Guest

Registered: 07/17/07
Posts: 43
Loc: Ohio
I was in the military briefly in the 80s and came from a military family. One of the things I noticed about the military (and one of the reasons I disliked it) is that its all about power ... power over your subordinates, power over your enemy. Sexual abuse is also about power. It seems to me that a lot of the same people that are attracted to the military are the same type to attracted to sexual abuse because of the power trip. Add to that the culture of covering up anything that detracts from "morale" (oh, such as "my Sergeant raped me") and you've got perfect environment for abusers.

Just my two cents,

Maxx

_________________________
Shackled by guilt I did not create
No absolutions, no paroles or escapes.
Swallow it down, do whatever it takes to get by...

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#175475 - 08/24/07 12:15 AM Re: Sexaul Assault in the Military? [Re: Maxx]
OKIE MIKE Offline
Member

Registered: 02/13/04
Posts: 979
Loc: HULBERT OK
THANK YOU MATT, FOR TELLING HOW IT IS

_________________________
MICHAEL

"I HAD NO SHOES THEN I SAW A MAN THAT HAD NO FEET"

"All I can do is be me, whoever that is"

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#175485 - 08/24/07 12:41 AM Re: Sexaul Assault in the Military? [Re: OKIE MIKE]
scotia1 Offline
Guest

Registered: 05/27/07
Posts: 81
Keep it coming guys! Like Okie says “THANK YOU MATT, FOR TELLING HOW IT IS”. Lets hear more about the truth of the military!

Scotia


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#175487 - 08/24/07 12:52 AM Re: Sexaul Assault in the Military? [Re: scotia1]
scotia1 Offline
Guest

Registered: 05/27/07
Posts: 81
Just to add to my last post regarding the truth of the military. The military does have many good aspects to it, however obviously it does have it’s down side, namely “sexual assault”.


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